Talking About a Revolution?
John Horvath 19.09.2006
The moral and political crisis in Hungary deepens, and looks set to only get worse
Fifty years since the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Hungary finds itself once more in a state of ferment and rebellion. In what was a shock and surprise to most Hungarians getting up in the morning was the news of riots which occurred during the night. Scores were injured, among them many police. Indeed, one policeman is in hospital with life-threatening injuries.
For the past few days, rallies and demonstrations have been staged throughout the country demanding the resignation the government, in particular the prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsany. Over the weekend a tape surfaced in which he said unapologetically that for the past year and a half they have lied to the people and that for the past four years they have done nothing. In addition to this, he ruffled a lot of feathers with his arrogant and strong use of language, referring to the country as "fucking Hungary" (
Politics of deception).
Last evening in Budapest, the crowds which had gathered in front of parliament had continued to swell, demanding the resignation of the prime minister. Although it was a large crowd, the demonstration was peaceful.
A group later broke off and headed to the Hungarian State Television building, nearby at Freedom Square. Their supposed intent was to submit a petition which they hoped they would be able to broadcast. When they were refused entry a riot then broke out.
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The protesters were able to disarm the police, taking away their batons and other equipment. At one point, one policeman fired warning shots into the air in order to try and protect himself. While it has since been acknowledged by the police that they weren't well prepared for the riots, they point out that they weren't expecting such a large and aggressive crowd in front of the television building.
The police were not only not well prepared, but their equipment was also insufficient and of poor quality. The plexi shields broke too easily, and when they were barricaded inside the building, they had to use furniture and doors in order to protect themselves and try to keep out the protesters.
The protesters ultimately were able to force their way into the building and reached the third floor, destroying equipment and burning furniture. It was only at around 3:00 AM, after about five hours, when the police, with more reinforcements, were able to take back control of the building.
In the end, some 200 were injured in the clashes, more than half of them police. A total of 8 cars were burned, and there was extensive damage to the television building. The justice minister tended his resignation, which was promptly rejected by the prime minister. The police have now totally shut down Freedom Square and the streets leading to it.
Process of regime change?
This was the worst violence since the end of communism. In fact, some protesters at the scene noted that only now is Hungary going through a process of regime change. Indeed, during the riots a small group also attacked the Soviet memorial, attempting to tear down the emblem. For many Hungarians, the notion of a memorial to the "Soviet liberators" in the middle of Freedom Square is too much to bear.
In the wake of the attack on the television building, Hungary's political cultural seems paralyzed and a loss of what to do or how to react. Subsequently, the two major parties have resorted to what they know best: blaming each other for the violence.
It's quite clear that Hungary is now in the grips of both a constitutional and moral crisis. Many have drawn parallels to the events in front of the television building with what happened fifty years ago. Then, as now, a group had gone to Hungarian Radio to have their petition broadcast and were then subsequently shot at by police.
The authorities have been quite aware and the situation in Hungary is explosive, and for this reason the demonstrations and protests up to now have been relatively peaceful as the police have gone out of their way to maintain a low profile and not provoke the crowds. However, in retrospect, by yesterday evening it could seen that something was about to happen. Perhaps with a little more insight, if Hungarian television had allowed for the petition to be broadcast, the violence could have been averted.
In some ways, a chain of events can be traced leading up to the riots. It began earlier in the day when the president publicly declared that although the prime minister had sparked a moral crisis within the country, constitutionally there is nothing he can do about it. In other words, the president's remark was tantamount to simply shrugging his shoulders. This merely added to the frustration that many people felt, that somehow they have been cheated and there was no form of redress.
Later, in the afternoon, at the main demonstration in front of parliament, Maria Wittner gave a speech in which she said that "this is now a revolution." Wittner is a former 1956 freedom fighter herself; a picture of her and another young woman both holding a gun is one the most recollected photos of the 1956 revolution. This speech only fuelled the anger of those who were beginning to feel that "it was now or never", a phrase often quoted from Hungary's leading poet, Sandor Petofi, during the revolution of 1848.
Finally, an ominous warning was issued shortly before the riots by Zoltan Porkolni, a leading member of the main opposition party. During a television interview on Duna TV, he noted that people needed to be careful as provocateurs will indubitably try to disrupt the demonstrations.
For most who have taken part in the protests and demonstrations thus far, their view of the violence of last evening and early this morning was that it was indeed a provoked riot. Most condemn the violence, yet add that the prime minister is ultimately responsible for it all, and therefore must resign.
Although the police have shut down access to Freedom Square and are much more vigilant, the crisis is far from over. Other rallies which were previously planned for the 50th anniversary of the October 1956 revolt will still take place, as well as campaign rallies for the municipal elections which are slated for October 1st. Coupled with this are the demonstrations which were already planned against the governments austerity measures and reform packages. There is also talk of strikes and various forms of non-violent, civil disobedience actions. Cancelling any of these would only fuel the present crisis further.
Hungary is only now coming to terms with its past which had been thus far swept under the rug of economic change and progress. Now that change is abruptly going in another direction, thanks to the "reforms" and austerity measures being introduced, and that the notion of progress has since become questionable, the anger and resentment of the past decade and a half is beginning to surface. With the anniversary of a revolution lingering in the background, what happens next is very uncertain.